* Senior Articles Editor, Boston College Third World Law Journal (2001–2002).
1 John E. Yang, Lines Drawn in Oregon Gay Rights Battle; Voters to Decide if Constitution Will Declare Homosexuality ‘Abnormal, Wrong, Unnatural,’ Wash. Post, Sept. 27, 1992, at A21.
2 Id.
3 Id.
4 See Bill Graves, Measure 9 Defeated; New Battle Expected, Oregonian, Nov. 9, 2000, at C1.
5 The characterization “lesbians and gay men” is commonly used in academic literature regarding gay and lesbian issues. See William E. Adams, Is it Animus or a Difference of Opinion? The Problems Caused by Invidious Intent of Anti-Gay Ballot Measures, 34 Willamette L. Rev. 449, 450 (1998). These measures also pose threats to bisexual persons, but the measures themselves speak only of lesbians and gay men or “homosexuals.” Id. For this reason, references to gay men and lesbians in this Note also include bisexual persons, at least to the extent that their same-sex sexual behavior and affectional preferences are affected. Id.
6 Article IV, Section 1 of the Oregon Constitution enables registered voters to place proposed constitutional amendments or statutes on the ballot after submitting a signed petition, obtaining a ballot title, and securing valid signatures of registered voters equal to a specified percent of the votes cast for governor at the preceding general election. Or. Const. art. IV, § 1.
7 See Graves, supra note 4.
8 See Anti-Gay Rights: Assessing Voter Initiatives 165 (Stephanie L. Witt & Suzanne McCorkle eds., 1997) [hereinafter Anti-Gay Rights].
9 See Brian T. Meehan, Measure 9 Reveals Deep Splits Among Voters, Oregonian, Nov. 5, 1992, at A1. Even though the measure failed, it still received over 560,000 “yes” votes. See Hospitality, Not Hostility, Oregonian, Nov. 5, 1992, at C12.
10 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 165–66.
11 See By the Numbers, Oregonian, Nov. 11, 1994, at C1. Measure 13 received 457,822 “yes” votes and 515,660 “no” votes. Id.
12 See Oregon Voter’s Pamphlet (on file with author).
13 See Measure 9 Losing in Election Cliffhanger, Oregonian, Nov. 8, 2000, at C1; Meehan, supra note 9; CNN.com, Voter Results in Oregon, at http://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/ 2000/results/OR/ (last visited Nov. 30, 2001) [hereinafter Voter Results in Oregon].
14 See Voter Results in Oregon, supra note 13. The second Measure 9 received 688,572 “yes” votes and 771,205 “no” votes. Id.
15 See Graves, supra note 4.
16 See David B. Magleby, Let the Voters Decide? An Assessment of the Initiative and Referendum Process, 66 U. Colo. L. Rev. 13, 13 (1995); City Club of Portland, The Initiative and Referendum in Oregon 4 (1996) (on file with author).
17 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 11.
18 See Richard B. Collins & Dale Oesterle, Structuring the Ballot Initiative: Procedures That Do and Don’t Work, 66 U. Colo. L. Rev. 47, 56 (1995).
19 See id. at 53; Magleby, supra note 16, at 19; David Schuman, The Origin of State Constitutional Direct Democracy: William Simon U’Ren and “The Oregon System,” 67 Temple L. Rev. 947, 947 (1994).
20 See Yang, supra note 1.
21 See Derrick A. Bell, Jr., The Referendum: Democracy’s Barrier to Racial Equality, 54 Wash. L. Rev. 1, 18–19 (1978–1979); Magleby, supra note 16, at 35–36. For practical flaws, see infra notes 204–255 and accompanying text.
22 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 35–36.
23 See id. at 41; Adams, supra note 5, at 458–59; Bell, supra note 21, at 14.
24 Bell, supra note 21, at 29.
25 Id. at 14.
26 See Sylvia R. Lazos Vargas, Judicial Review of Initiatives and Referendums in Which Majorities Vote on Minorities’ Democratic Citizenship, 60 Ohio St. L.J. 399, 426, 428, 433 (1999).
27 See Michael Gillette, The Legislative Function: Initiative and Referendum, 67 Or. L. Rev. 55, 59 (1988). In Oregon, “[i]f fifty percent of the people vote in an election but only forty percent of those people vote on the constitutional amendment in question, and a bare majority of that forty percent votes in favor of the constitutional amendment, less than a majority of people eligible to vote in this state will have changed the law for everybody.” Id. at 61.
28 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 26.
29 All Things Considered (NPR radio broadcast, Nov. 6, 2000).
30 See Bell, supra note 21, at 14–15; Hans A. Linde, When Initiative Lawmaking is Not “Republican Government”: The Campaign Against Homosexuality, 72 Or. L. Rev. 19, 32–33 (1993); Magleby, supra note 16, at 41.
31 See The Federalist, No. 10, at 54–55, No. 49, at 323, No. 51, at 333–34, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison) (Modern Library ed., 2000); Linde, supra note 30, at 32–33.
32 U.S. Const. art. IV, § 4; see Linde, supra note 30, at 22–24.
33 Linde, supra note 30, at 27; see The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 10, at 54–55, No. 49, at 323, No. 51, at 333–34, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison).
34 See generally Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962); Pac. States Tele. & Tele. Co. v. Oregon, 223 U.S. 118 (1912); Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1 (1849).
35 See generally Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996); Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962); Pac. States Tele. & Tele. Co., 223 U.S. 118; Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1 (1849); Equal. Found. of Greater Cincinnati Inc. v. City of Cincinnati, 128 F.3d 289 (6th Cir. 1997); Bailey v. City of Austin, 972 S.W.2d 180 (Tex. App. 1998).
36 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 165. The measure continues, “State may not recognize this conduct under sexual orientation or sexual preference levels, or through quotas, minority status, affirmative action, or similar concepts.” See id.
37 See id. at 18.
38 See id. at 165.
39 See Brian T. Meehan, Ballot Measure 9 Creates Climate of Fear, Oregonian, Oct. 17, 1992, at A1.
40 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 165.
41 See Alliance that Battled Measure 9 Looks to the Future, Oregonian, Nov. 22, 1992, at C1.
42 See id.; Bill Graves, Schools in the Balance, Oregonian, Oct. 25, 1992, at D1.
43 See Graves, supra note 42.
44 See id.
45 See id.
46 See id.
47 See Meehan, supra note 39; Meehan, supra note 9.
48 See Meehan, supra note 9.
49 See id. As income and education rose, support for Measure 9 waned. Id. About 55% of high school graduates supported it, compared with 35% of college graduates and 22% of people with postgraduate degrees. Id. The initiative produced a gender gap of about ten percentage points. Id. 55% of “yes” voters were men; 45% were women. Id..
50 See All Things Considered, supra note 29. Of Oregon’s thirty-six counties, nine urban counties surrounding Portland and Eugene rejected the measure, and twenty-seven of Oregon’s smaller rural counties approved it. See Meehan, supra note 9.
51 See Meehan, supra note 9. Voters who described themselves as born-again fundamentalists or regular church-goers were the most loyal supporters of the measure. Id. More than seven of ten fundamentalists and six of ten regular church-goers voted for the measure. Id.
52 See Meehan, supra note 39.
53 See id.
54 See id.
55 Blaze Damages Salem House Where 2 Died in Firebombing, Oregonian, Nov. 29, 1992, at D3.
56 Meehan, supra note 39. During 1991, 483 incidents of intimidation or violence against gays and lesbians were reported for the entire year. Id.
57 Id.
58 Id.
59 See id.
60 See Sura Rubenstein, OCA Head Pledges Stripped-Down Version of Measure 9 for 1994, Oregonian, Nov. 8, 1992, at A1.
61 Id.
62 Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 19.
63 Id.
64 See id.
65 See id.
66 Id. As one commentator noted, the coded rhetoric of “special rights” enables opponents of gay rights to tap into deep and powerful reservoirs of social anxiety and anger about other anti-discrimination laws based on race, gender, and disability—particularly affirmative action measures—even as these opponents claim to champion existing civil rights protections. Adams, supra note 5, at 459.
67 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 19; Analyzing the Ads, Oregonian, Oct. 20, 1992, at B4.
68 Analyzing the Ads, supra note 67, at B4.
69 Id.
70 See Rubenstein, supra note 60; David Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers the Schools, Oregonian, Nov. 3, 2000, at B9 [hereinafter Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers]; David Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders the Real Threat, Oregonian, Nov. 4, 1994, at C10 [hereinafter Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders].
71 See Graves, supra note 42; Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70; Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70.
72 See Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70.
73 Id.
74 Id.
75 See Analyzing the Ads, supra note 67.
76 See id.
77 See id; Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 19.
78 See Analyzing the Ads, supra note 67.
79 See id.
80 See id.
81 Id. Spokespeople for the Lavender Network newspaper, which ran a NAMBLA advertisement in only two editions, said that the advertisment was mistakenly accepted by a volunteer staff member. Id. The newspaper’s advertising guidelines prohibit accepting advertisements from NAMBLA. Id.
82 See Meehan, supra note 9.
83 See Meehan, supra note 39.
84 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 17; Rubenstein, supra note 60; Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70; Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70.
85 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 20, 165.
86 See id. at 17; Sura Rubenstein, What is Measure 13?, Oregonian, Oct. 30, 1994, at A22.
87 Rubenstein, supra note 86.
88 Id.
89 Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 20.
90 Id. at 165–66; Rubenstein, supra note 86.
91 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 20.
92 See id.
93 See Osker Spicer, Journey Often Tough for Black Homosexuals, Oregonian, Nov. 10, 1994, (Portland Zoner Magazine), at 1.
94 See id.
95 See id.
96 See Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70; Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70.
97 See Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70.
98 Id.
99 See By the Numbers, supra note 11.
100 Oregon Voter’s Pamphlet, supra note 12. Interestingly, it appears that the OCA had borrowed some of the language used by its opposition in drafting the new measure. For example, one section of the measure provides that sexual orientation is a “divisive subject matter not necessary” to the instruction of students in public schools. Id.
101 Id.
102 Id.
103 As will be discussed in the next part of this note, statutory initiatives can be subject to legislative amendment and judicial review, whereas constitutional amendments negate any inconsistent portions of the Oregon constitution and can only be overturned by later amendments or by federal judicial review. Gillette, supra note 27, at 59.
104 See Alice Tallmadge, Living in the Shadow of the OCA, Lessons from a Bitter Battle: Lane County Residents Disagree on the Long-Term Effects of Past Anti-Gay Rights Campaigns, Oregonian, Oct. 22, 2000, at A21.
105 Bill Graves, Prayer Vigil Takes Aim at Measure 9, Oregonian, Nov. 2, 2000, at D18; Tallmadge, supra note 104. One vigil in a downtown Portland park reported only three dozen people in attendance. Graves, supra. Also, whereas “No on 9” campaign funds surpassed $2 million in 1992, the campaign raised only $648,000 in 2000. Bill Graves & Tomoko Hosaka, Measure 9 Rips Open Cultural Division, Oregonian, Oct. 22, 2000, at A1.
106 See Measure 9 Losing in Cliffhanger Election, supra note 13; Tallmadge, supra note 104.
107 See Measure 9 Losing in Cliffhanger Election, supra note 13.
108 Id.
109 Oregon Voter’s Pamphlet, supra note 12.
110 Id.
111 See Measure 9 Losing in Election Cliffhanger, supra note 13; Tallmadge, supra note 104.
112 All Things Considered, supra note 29.
113 See Voter Results in Oregon, supra note 13.
114 See id.
115 See Measure 9 Losing in Election Cliffhanger, supra note 13.
116 See Tomoko Hosaka, Mabon Readies Next Round in ‘Last Great Battle,’ Oregonian, Nov. 12, 2000, at C5.
117 See id.
118 See id.
119 See id.; Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 17; Rubenstein, supra note 60; Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70; Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70; Tallmadge, supra note 104.
120 See Adams, supra note 5, at 458–67; Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 428–32.
121 See Barbara S. Gamble, Putting Civil Rights to a Popular Vote, 41 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 245, 258 (1997).
122 See Adams, supra note 5, at 458; Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 428–29.
123 See Adams, supra note 5, at 458.
124 Id.
125 See Tomoko Hosaka, The OCA’s Initiatives, Oregonian, Sept. 10, 2000, at A17.
126 See Merrick v. Bd. of Higher Educ., 841 P.2d 646, 651 (Or. Ct. App. 1992).
127 See Adams, supra note 5, at 459 n.56.
128 See id. at 460.
129 See Gamble, supra note 121, at 259.
130 See id.
131 See id.; Adams, supra note 5, at 460.
132 See Adams, supra note 5, at 460–61.
133 See id. at 461.
134 See In re Advisory Opinion to the Attorney Gen.: Restricts Laws Related to Discrimination, 632 So.2d 1018, 1021 (Fla. 1994). State constitutions that include citizen initiative processes often also include a “single subject requirement.” See id.; City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 15, 17. This provision requires that the initiative “shall embrace one subject only” in order to simplify the voter’s choice. See In re Advisory Opinion, 632 So.2d at 1019; City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 15, 17.
135 See Gamble, supra note 121, at 262; By the Numbers, supra note 11.
136 See generally 517 U.S. 620 (1996).
137 See id. at 632. Under the Fourteenth Amendment law of substantive due process, when courts are confronted with an enactment that targets a “suspect class,” they employ “strict scrutiny” to ensure that the enactment is tied to some legitimate governmental interest. See id. at 629–30. For all other laws, courts must merely find a “rational relationship” between the enactment and a legitimate governmental interest. See id. at 632. In Romer, the Court avoided the issue of whether “homosexual persons” constituted a “suspect class” by stating that Amendment 2 failed the lower standard of finding a rational relationship between the amendment and a legitimate governmental interest. See id. at 631–32. The Court held that the “sheer breadth” of the prohibition in Amendment 2 was “so discontinuous with the reasons offered for it that the amendment seems inexplicable by anything but animus toward the class it affects; it lacks a rational relationship to legitimate state interests.” Romer, 517 U.S. at 632.
138 See Romer, 517 U.S. at 634–35 (emphasis added). The Court also noted that, “[a] law declaring that in general it shall be more difficult for one group of citizens than for all others to seek aid from the government is itself a denial of equal protection of the laws in the most literal sense.” See id. at 633.
139 See Adams, supra note 5, at 463; Gamble, supra note 121, at 258.
140 Adams, supra note 5, at 463; Gamble, supra note 121, at 258.
141 See Adams, supra note 5, at 458–63; Gamble, supra note 121, at 258–62.
142 See Adams, supra note 5, at 472–73; Graves & Hosaka, supra note 105; Meehan, supra note 39.
143 Adams, supra note 5, at 472–73.
144 Graves & Hosaka, supra note 105.
145 Meehan, supra note 39.
146 See Adams, supra note 5, at 472–73; Graves & Hosaka, supra note 105; Meehan, supra note 39.
147 See Schuman, supra note 19, at 948.
148 See id.; Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 411.
149 See Schuman, supra note 19, at 948–49.
150 See id. at 949–50.
151 See id. at 950–51.
152 See id. at 951–56.
153 Id. at 956.
154 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 54–55; Schuman, supra note 19, at 948.
155 See Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 411. The states that provide for initiatives, in the order that they adopted the intiative, are South Dakota, Utah, Oregon, Montana, Oklahoma, Maine, Missouri, Arkansas, Colorado, Arizona, California, Idaho, Nebraska, Nevada, Massachusetts, Alaska, Florida, Wyoming, Illinois, District of Columia, and Mississippi. Id. at 411 n.34. Florida and Illinois allow only constitutional initiatives. Id. Utah, Maine, Idaho, Washington, Alaska, Wyoming, and the District of Columbia allow only for statutory initiatives. Id.
156 See id.
157 See Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 412–13; Magleby, supra note 16, at 14–15.
158 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 26.
159 See id.
160 See id. at 27; Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 415.
161 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 27.
162 Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 48.
163 Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 415 n.55.
164 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 13.
165 See id.
166 Steve Mayes, Election Outlay Prompts Request for Money, Oregonian, Nov. 16, 2000, at B12.
167 Id.
168 City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 4.
169 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 50.
170 Id.
171 See Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 417.
172 Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 50.
173 Id.
174 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 14.
175 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 50.
176 See id. at 50–52.
177 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 51 n.11; Magleby, supra note 16, at 13, 40–41.
178 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 51 n.11; Magleby, supra note 16, at 13, 40–41.
179 Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 51.
180 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 51; Magleby, supra note 16, at 13, 40–41.
181 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 13.
182 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 29.
183 See id.
184 See Adams, supra note 5, at 451; Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 418–19; Magleby, supra note 16, at 23–25, 36.
185 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 51–52; David B. Frohnmayer & Hans A. Linde, Initiating “Laws” in the Form of “Constitutional Amendments”: An Amicus Curiae Brief, 34 Willamette L. Rev. 749, 753–59 (1998), Gillette, supra note 27, at 61.
186 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 26–27; Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 418–19; Magleby, supra note 16, at 23–25, 36.
187 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 27; Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 418–19; Magleby, supra note 16, at 23–25, 36.
188 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 30; Frohnmayer & Linde, supra note 185, at 753–59; Gillette, supra note 27, at 61.
189 Or. Const. art. IV, § 1(2)(d).
190 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 30; Frohnmayer & Linde, supra note 185, at 756; Hans A. Linde, Taking Oregon’s Initiative Toward a New Century, 34 Willamette L. Rev. 391, 411–13 (1998).
191 See Frohnmayer & Linde, supra note 185, at 756. See generally Linde, supra note 190.
192 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 55.
193 See id. at 53; Magleby, supra note 16, at 19; Schuman, supra note 19, at 947.
194 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 56–57.
195 See id.; Adams, supra note 5, at 452.
196 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 56; Magleby, supra note 16, at 34.
197 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 56–58; Magleby, supra note 16, at 34–35.
198 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 61; Schuman, supra note 19, at 947. One of the most celebrated ideas to emerge from Ross Perot’s 1992 presidential campaign was the “electronic Town Hall,” a system of direct democracy using sophisticated video and data transmission technology to allow voters nationwide to debate and then vote on legislation. Schuman, supra note 19, at 947. However, concerns over how to limit the scope of such a device has limited the political progress of the national referendum. See Magleby, supra note 16, at 42–43.
199See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 11.
200 Id.
201 Id.
202 Id.
203 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 55–63; Magleby, supra note 16, at 29–40.
204 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 57; Magleby, supra note 16, at 33–34.
205 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 23; Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 57; Magleby, supra note 16, at 33–34.
206 See Adams, supra note 5, at 455; Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 57; Magleby, supra note 16, at 33.
207 Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 57.
208 Magleby, supra note 16, at 35.
209 See Julian N. Eule, Judicial Review of Direct Democracy, 99 Yale L.J. 1503, 1509 (1990); Magleby, supra note 16, at 40.
210 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 33–34.
211 See id. at 40; City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 23.
212 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 23–24.
213 Magleby, supra note 16, at 38.
214 See id. at 30
215 See id. at 38. Conversely, on noncontroversial measures, most voters face an information vacuum. Id.
216 See Graves, supra note 42.
217 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 23; Magleby, supra note 16, at 38.
218 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 31–34; Leroy J. Tornquist, Direct Democracy in Oregon—Some Suggestions for Change, 34 Willamette L. Rev. 675, 677 (1998).
219 City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 23.
220 Id.
221 See id.
222 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 38; Tornquist, supra note 218, at 677.
223 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 18–19; Brent Hunsberger, Effects of Measure 7 Remain Up for Debate, Oregonian, Nov. 20, 2000, at A1.
224 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 31–34; Tornquist, supra note 218, at 677; Hunsberger, supra note 223.
225 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 25. In preparation for a measure’s inclusion in the Oregon voter’s pamphlet, the secretary of state is required to make a dollar estimate of the financial impact of the measure. Id. The statement does not point out the measure’s effect on the functioning of government operations, nor does it state the dollar amount or its impact as a proportion of the total estimated general fund. Id. Moreover, a failure to file a fiscal impact statement does not prevent the measure from going on the ballot, and the amount of the estimate is not subject to judicial review. Id.
226 See id.; Tornquist, supra note 218, at 677.
227 See Richard Colby & David Anderson, Rules Greet Measure 7 Claims, Oregonian, Nov. 29, 2000, at D1; Hunsberger, supra note 223.
228 See Colby & Anderson, supra note 227.
229 See Stern v. Halligan, 158 F.3d 729, 735 (3rd Cir. 1998) (holding that township decree that landowners connect their property to municipal water supply was supported by the landowners’ participation in the “broader social contract”); Hunsberger, supra note 223.
230 See Charles E. Beggs, Court Hears Arguments on Property Compensation Measure, Associated Press Newswires, Sept. 10, 2001; Colby & Anderson, supra note 227; Hunsberger, supra note 223.
231 See Hunsberger, supra note 223.
232 See Beggs, supra note 230; Dave Hogan & Tomoko Hosaka, Judge Tosses Measure 7, Oregonian, Feb. 23, 2001, at A1.
233 See Graves, supra note 42.
234 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 165.
235 See Alliance that Battled Measure 9 Looks to the Future, supra note 41; Graves, supra note 42; Hosaka, supra note 116.
236 See All Things Considered, supra note 29. The American Civil Liberties Union was poised to challenge Measure 9 in the 2000 general election on the grounds that it violated the free speech and equal protection clauses of the Constitution. See id. The groups believed that the similarities between the OCA initiative and Colorado’s Amendment 2 were great enough that Measure 9 could not have survived federal constitutional review. See id.
237 See Hosaka, supra note 116.
238 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 17–18.
239 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 35.
240 Id.
241 Id.
242 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 18.
243 See id. at 18–21.
244 See Hosaka, supra note 116.
245 See id.; Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 17; Rubenstein, supra note 60; Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70; Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70.
246 Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 17.
247 Rubenstein, supra note 60.
248 Id.
249 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 56; Linde, supra note 190, at 395–98.
250 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 56.
251 See Linde, supra note 190, at 395–98. See generally Gregory Kafoury, Raiding the Initiative: Corporations vs. Citizens, 34 Willamette L. Rev. 729 (1998). Linde characterizes the change as a “shift of ‘direct democracy’ from people to money, and the deliberate undermining of representative government.” See Linde, supra note 190, at 395.
252 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 26–27; Magleby, supra note 16, at 30.
253 Magleby, supra note 16, at 30.
254 Id.
255 Id.
256 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 19–20.
257 Id.
258 See Rubenstein, supra note 60.
259 Hosaka, supra note 116.
260 See Graves & Hosaka, supra note 105.
261 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 58.
262 See id.
263 See City Club of Portland, supra note 16, at 21.
264 See id.
265 See Bell, supra note 21, at 14, 29; Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 59–60; Linde, supra note 30, at 34.
266 See Bell, supra note 21, at 14, 29; Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 59–60; Linde, supra note 30, at 34.
267 See David B. Magleby, Direct Legislation: Voting on Ballot Propositions in the United States 184–86 (1984); Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 59–60.
268 See Magleby, supra note 267, at 185; Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 59–60.
269 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 59; Eule, supra, note 209, at 1527.
270 See Magleby, supra note 267, at 186; Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 59–60.
271 See Bell, supra note 21, at 29; Linde, supra note 30, at 34.
272 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 165; Rubenstein supra note 60; Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70; Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70.
273 Bell, supra note 21, at 29.
274 Eule, supra note 209, at 1527.
275 Bell, supra note 21, at 14.
276 Id.
277 See id. at 16–17.
278 Id. at 16.
279 Id. at 16–17.
280 Linde, supra note 30, at 38.
281 Id. See generally Pierce v. Soc. of Sisters, 286 U.S. 510(1925).
282 See Bell, supra note 21, at 16–17.
283 See Elizabeth R. Leong, Note, Ballot Initiatives & Identifiable Minorities: A Textual Call to Congress, 28 Rutgers L.J. 677, 690 (1997). See generally Linde, supra note 30; Debra F. Salz, Discrimination-Prone Initiatives and the Guarantee Clause: A Role for the Supreme Court, 62 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 100 (1993).
284 U.S. Const. art. IV, § 4
285 Salz, supra note 283, at 103.
286 Id.
287 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 51, at 333 (James Madison).
288 See Salz, supra note 283, at 103–04.
289 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 10, at 58–59 (James Madison).
290 Id. at 58.
291 See Eule, supra note 209, at 1539.
292 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 10, at 54 (James Madison).
293 Id.
294 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 51, at 334 (James Madison).
295 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison). The passage also emphasizes the difference between a republic and an Athenian direct democracy: “What bitter anguish would not the people of Athens have often avoided if their government had contained so provident a safeguard against the tyranny of their own passions?” Id. at 404.
296 See id. at 403–04.
297 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 49, at 323 (James Madison).
298 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 51, at 333, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison).
299 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 10, at 58–59, No. 49, at 323, No. 51, at 333–34, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison).
300 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 48.
301 See Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1, 42 (1849).
302 See id. This principle was established in Luther v. Borden, where the court held, “Under [the Guarantee Clause] of the constitution it rests with Congress to decide what government is the established one in a State. For as the United States guarantee to each state a republican government, Congress must necessarily decide what government is established in the State before it can determine whether it is republican or not.” Id.
303 See generally Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 227 (1962).
304 See generally Pac. States Tele. & Tele. Co. v. Oregon, 223 U.S. 118 (1912).
305 See id. at 151.
306 See 369 U.S. at 226–27.
307 Linde, supra note 30, at 39–40. Judge Linde argues that the Guarantee Clause is “nevertheless law” and should be applied by state courts in spite of lacking federal jurisdiction. See id. However, no state has invalidated an initiative on this basis. See id.
308 See generally 517 U.S. 620 (1996) (holding that a citizen-initiated amendment that prohibited legislative, executive, or judicial action from protecting homosexual persons from discrimination was a violation of the equal protection clause).
309 See id. at 631–32.
310 See generally Williams v. Pryor, 240 F.3d 944, (11th Cir. 2001) (holding that an Alabama statute prohibiting the use of certain sexual devices did not involve the kind of anti-discrimination concerns addressed in Romer); Zehner v. Trigg, 133 F.3d 459, 464 (7th Cir. 1997) (finding no such “broad restriction” as in Romer where inmates were denied specific remedial rights in asbestos suit); Equal. Found. of Greater Cincinnati Inc. v. City of Cincinnati, 128 F.3d 289, 295 (6th Cir. 1997) (holding that a city amendment removing homosexual persons from antidiscrimination protection survived Romer because it was narrower in scope and impact); Imprisoned Citizens Union v. Shapp, 11 F.Supp. 2d 586, 595 (E.D. Pa. 1998) (upholding prison officials’ consent decrees because Romer only applies to facial challenges against statutes “in their entirety”); Bailey v. City of Austin, 972 S.W.2d 180, 190 (Tex. App. 1998) (holding that referendum amendment that eliminated employee benefits for domestic partners because it did not target a discrete group, but applied to all city employees).
311 See 128 F.3d at 291.
312 Id. at 297.
313 See Equal. Found. of Greater Cincinnati Inc. v. City of Cincinnati, 525 U.S. 943, 943 (1997).
314 See 972 S.W.2d at 189.
315 See id. at 186.
316 Lazos Vargas, supra note 26, at 505.
317 See generally Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996); Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962); Pac. States Tele. & Tele. Co. v. Oregon, 223 U.S. 118 (1912); Equal. Found., 128 F.3d 289.
318 See Equal. Found., 128 F.3d at 291.
319 See Anti-Gay Rights, supra note 8, at 17; Rubenstein, supra note 60; Sarasohn, Lon Mabon Discovers, supra note 70; Sarasohn, Rural Oregon Ponders, supra note 70.
320 See id.
321 See Bell, supra note 21, at 29; Linde, supra note 30, at 31–34.
322 See supra notes 147–260 and accompanying text.
323 See supra notes 204–260 and accompanying text.
324 See Magleby, supra note 16, at 30, 38; Analyzing the Ads, supra note 67.
325 See supra notes 261–320 and accompanying text.
326 See generally Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962); Pac. States Tele. & Tele. Co. v. Oregon, 223 U.S. 118 (1912).
327 See Collins & Oesterle, supra note 18, at 49–50.
328 See id.
329 See id.
330 See Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 631–32 (1996); Baker, 369 U.S. at 226–27; Pac. States, 223 U.S. at 151; Equal. Found. of Greater Cincinnati v. City of Cincinnati, 128 F.3d 289, 291 (6th Cir. 1997).
331 See generally Hustler v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46 (1988) (free speech); Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) (reproductive rights); Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966) (privilege against self-incrimination); Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483 (1954) (civil rights).
332 See generally Roe, 410 U.S. at 113; Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967); Brown, 347 U.S. at 483.
333 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 51, at 334 (James Madison).
334 See Baker, 369 U.S. at 227 (holding that any reliance on the Guarantee Clause “would be futile”).
335 See Eule, supra note 209, at 1542.
336 Linde, supra note 30, at 32.
337 Id.
338 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 51, at 334, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison).
339 See supra notes 36–119 and accompanying text.
340 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 51, at 334, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison).
341 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 63, at 404 (James Madison); Bell, supra note 21, at 16–17; Linde, supra note 30, at 38.
342 See The Federalist, supra note 31, No. 10, at 58–59, No. 49, at 323, No. 51, at 333–34, No. 63, at 403–04 (James Madison); Linde, supra note 30, at 32. See generally Salz, supra note 283.
343See generally Salz, supra note 283.